The new book, 'Justice: Faces of the Human Rights Revolution' by Mariana Cook, is a monograph filled with portraits of human-rights leaders around the world and their first-person accounts. The book, published this week, features notables such as former President Jimmy Carter, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and Tibetan activist and political prisoner Takna Jigme Sangpo. 玛丽安娜•库克(Mariana Cook)的新书《正义：人权革命面面观》于上周出版，这本专著收录了全球人权领袖的简介和他们本人所撰写的文章，其中的一些知名人士包括，前美国总统吉米•卡特 (Jimmy Carter)、图图大主教(Desmond Tutu)以及西藏活动人士、政治犯达那•晋美桑波(Takna Jigme Sangpo)。
The following is a look inside the book ─ the first-person account written by Burmese activist Aung San Suu Kyi, and her portrait by photographer Cook. Mariana Cook昂山素季以下内容就节选自该书，包括缅甸活动家昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)的文章和摄影师库克拍摄为她拍摄的照片。
I don't think you can say that a certain kind of person is particularly attracted to human rights. It attracts all kinds of people for very many different reasons. Some become involved in the struggle because of a personal experience; others are drawn to it because of the way they have been brought up, the values that they were taught as children. I belong more to the second category than to the first category, although what I saw in Burma during the 1988 uprising convinced me that we all had to work for human rights. 我不认为人权只对某一类人有吸引力。人权能够吸引所有人，虽然个中原因不尽相同。有些人参与人权斗争是因为以往的个人经历;还有一些人是因为成长过程中所受的教育，因为他们儿时所学习的价值观。我更多是属于第二种，虽然1988年发生暴乱时我在缅甸的所见所闻使我认定，我们每一个人都必须为人权而战。
In 1990, we had the first democratic elections in Burma in about 26 years. I did not run, because I was under house arrest by then. Many of the leaders of the National League for Democracy were placed under house arrest before the elections─probably because it was felt that without our leadership the party could not fare well. But, in fact, we won a landslide victory. This was a bit of a shock to the military junta, who decided that they would ignore the results of the elections. 1990年，缅甸举行了26年以来的首次民主选举。我没有参选，因为我当时被软禁在家中。全国民主联盟(National League for Democracy)的许多领袖在大选之前也被软禁，这也许是因为有人认为如果没有我们的领导，这个政党就不会有好表现。但最终我们取得了压倒性的胜利。这让军政府感到有些震惊，他们决定宣布大选结果无效。
I was in a much easier position than many of my colleagues because, from the very beginning, I had the protection of my father's name. My father was the founder of the Burmese army, so they were quite restrained in how they treated me. The same restraint was not practiced with regard to many of my colleagues, who were arrested, brutally interrogated, and imprisoned for years under terribly bleak circumstances. 我当时的处境比我大多数同事要好过一些，因为从一开始，我就得到了父亲的名望带给我的庇护。我父亲是缅甸军队的创始人，因此，他们在我面前有所顾忌。我的许多同事却得不到这种待遇，他们被捕后经受了严酷的讯问，在极端无望的环境下被关押了多年。
I have often wondered why people treat others in such an autocratic way. Now we know, of course, what it is like to be deprived of one's basic rights, and we would not subject anybody to that kind of experience. Putting it in a very general way, it is a mixture of greed and fear that pushes people to ill-treat others. They want to preserve their own security and enjoy the privileges to which their position entitles them. And also ignorance, because there are some people who really believe that it is all right to treat those who are 'different' from them in any way they like. There must be some who are by nature sadistic, but I do not think that they are in the majority. 我常会想知道，为什么有人会以如此专制的手段对待他人。现在我们当然知道了一个人被剥夺了基本权利是什么感觉，我们不会让任何人受到这种待遇。笼统地说，是贪婪和恐惧让人们想要折磨他人。他们想保护自己的安全，享受头衔带来的特权。此外，还有无知。因为有些人真的相信，可以以任何方式对待与自己“不同”的人。他们一定是天生的施虐狂，但我不认为他们是人群中的大多数。
We have very good laws in Burma, some of which were carried over from the colonial period, and if we were treated in accordance with those laws, we would be perfectly all right. Those now in power have very little knowledge of what laws actually do exist in this country. We have noticed again and again that if we point out that there is a law saying that you cannot do this, they will open their eyes very wide and run back to their books and look it up. But often people do not question them because the ruling powers can do whatever they want to. We teach people that they must ask questions and not take it for granted that whoever is treating them poorly has a right to do so. We have published a pamphlet for the families of political prisoners to instruct them on what rights they have and what rights the prisoners have, and to encourage them to demand these rights. 缅甸有良好的法律，有些法律是从殖民地时期沿袭下来的。如果获得法律规定的应有待遇，我们会生活得很好。现在掌权的这些人不知道这个国家到底有哪些法律。我们多次注意到，如果我们指出有一条法律不允许他们这么做，他们就会瞪大了眼睛，急忙找书来查证。但是人们往往不质疑他们，认为统治阶级想做什么就可以做什么。我们告诉人们，必须要质疑，而不是逆来顺受，不要觉得以恶劣方式对待自己的人有权利这样做。我们已经为政治犯的家人出版了一本小册子，告诉他们自己拥有何种权利，以及犯人有什么权利，鼓励他们提出享受这些权利的要求。
You cannot say that these rights are never respected. If we stand firm and united, and present the letter of the law, sometimes we are successful in arguing the case of the rights of political prisoners. Perhaps we have won two or three cases in court out of the thousands of cases pleaded by our Legal Aid Committee. Nonetheless, I think our people appreciate the fact that they have somebody to stand up for them in court, to make it known that they are being treated unjustly and against all legal norms. 不要说这些权利永远不会受到尊重。如果我们坚定团结地站在一起，展示法律文本，我们就能够为政治犯的权利辩护。也许在法庭上，由我们的法律援助委员会(Legal Aid Committee)辩护的数千起案子中，我们只能赢得两三起。然而，我认为人们会乐于看到有人在法庭上支持他们，让人们知道他们受到的待遇是不公正的，是违背法律准则的。
Our education system is in shambles. Young people in Burma may not know what a democracy is, but they certainly know that they do not want what they are getting now: they want to be well educated. That is a beginning. The next step is to make them understand that if they want things to be better, they have to do something about making things better. It is difficult to make them understand that they can do something. It is not just that they have to do something; they can do something. They are capable of doing something. They must try to bring about the changes that they want, instead of leaving it to the National League for Democracy, or to me, or to other political parties. 我们的教育体系目前一片混乱。缅甸的年轻人可能不知道民主是什么，但他们一定知道目前的状态不是他们想要的──他们想要接受良好的教育。这仅是一个开始。下一步是让他们明白，如果他们想让事情有所改善，就必须采取相应的行动。我们很难让他们相信他们自己可以做到一些事。他们不光是必须做;而且也能做到。他们有这个能力。他们必须努力促成自己想要的改变，而不是把这个任务留给全国民主联盟、我本人或是其他政党。
AUNG SAN SUU KYI (b. 1945) is a Burmese opposition politician, the former General Secretary of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and the daughter of Aung San─the father of modern-day Burma. The military junta first placed her under house arrest following popular democratic protests in 1989. Subsequently, she has been detained or under house arrest on at least six separate occasions, totaling 15 years. In 1991 she received the Nobel Peace Prize honoring her as 'one of the most extraordinary examples of civil courage in Asia in recent decades.' She was released once again from house arrest in November 2010 and was elected to a seat in Parliament in spring 2012. Burma's leaders continue to ignore the fact that she and her political party, the NLD, won the majority of votes in a 1990 national election.
The new book, 'Justice: Faces of the Human Rights Revolution' by Mariana Cook, is a monograph filled with portraits of human-rights leaders around the world and their first-person accounts. The book, published this week, features notables such as former President Jimmy Carter, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and Tibetan activist and political prisoner Takna Jigme Sangpo. 玛丽安娜•库克(Mariana Cook)的新书《正义：人权革命面面观》于上周出版，这本专著收录了全球人权领袖的简介和他们本人所撰写的文章，其中的一些知名人士包括，前美国总统吉米•卡特 (Jimmy Carter)、图图大主教(Desmond Tutu)以及西藏活动人士、政治犯达那•晋美桑波(Takna Jigme Sangpo)。
The following is a look inside the book ─ the first-person account written by Burmese activist Aung San Suu Kyi, and her portrait by photographer Cook. Mariana Cook昂山素季以下内容就节选自该书，包括缅甸活动家昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)的文章和摄影师库克拍摄为她拍摄的照片。
I don't think you can say that a certain kind of person is particularly attracted to human rights. It attracts all kinds of people for very many different reasons. Some become involved in the struggle because of a personal experience; others are drawn to it because of the way they have been brought up, the values that they were taught as children. I belong more to the second category than to the first category, although what I saw in Burma during the 1988 uprising convinced me that we all had to work for human rights. 我不认为人权只对某一类人有吸引力。人权能够吸引所有人，虽然个中原因不尽相同。有些人参与人权斗争是因为以往的个人经历;还有一些人是因为成长过程中所受的教育，因为他们儿时所学习的价值观。我更多是属于第二种，虽然1988年发生暴乱时我在缅甸的所见所闻使我认定，我们每一个人都必须为人权而战。
In 1990, we had the first democratic elections in Burma in about 26 years. I did not run, because I was under house arrest by then. Many of the leaders of the National League for Democracy were placed under house arrest before the elections─probably because it was felt that without our leadership the party could not fare well. But, in fact, we won a landslide victory. This was a bit of a shock to the military junta, who decided that they would ignore the results of the elections. 1990年，缅甸举行了26年以来的首次民主选举。我没有参选，因为我当时被软禁在家中。全国民主联盟(National League for Democracy)的许多领袖在大选之前也被软禁，这也许是因为有人认为如果没有我们的领导，这个政党就不会有好表现。但最终我们取得了压倒性的胜利。这让军政府感到有些震惊，他们决定宣布大选结果无效。
I was in a much easier position than many of my colleagues because, from the very beginning, I had the protection of my father's name. My father was the founder of the Burmese army, so they were quite restrained in how they treated me. The same restraint was not practiced with regard to many of my colleagues, who were arrested, brutally interrogated, and imprisoned for years under terribly bleak circumstances. 我当时的处境比我大多数同事要好过一些，因为从一开始，我就得到了父亲的名望带给我的庇护。我父亲是缅甸军队的创始人，因此，他们在我面前有所顾忌。我的许多同事却得不到这种待遇，他们被捕后经受了严酷的讯问，在极端无望的环境下被关押了多年。
I have often wondered why people treat others in such an autocratic way. Now we know, of course, what it is like to be deprived of one's basic rights, and we would not subject anybody to that kind of experience. Putting it in a very general way, it is a mixture of greed and fear that pushes people to ill-treat others. They want to preserve their own security and enjoy the privileges to which their position entitles them. And also ignorance, because there are some people who really believe that it is all right to treat those who are 'different' from them in any way they like. There must be some who are by nature sadistic, but I do not think that they are in the majority. 我常会想知道，为什么有人会以如此专制的手段对待他人。现在我们当然知道了一个人被剥夺了基本权利是什么感觉，我们不会让任何人受到这种待遇。笼统地说，是贪婪和恐惧让人们想要折磨他人。他们想保护自己的安全，享受头衔带来的特权。此外，还有无知。因为有些人真的相信，可以以任何方式对待与自己“不同”的人。他们一定是天生的施虐狂，但我不认为他们是人群中的大多数。
We have very good laws in Burma, some of which were carried over from the colonial period, and if we were treated in accordance with those laws, we would be perfectly all right. Those now in power have very little knowledge of what laws actually do exist in this country. We have noticed again and again that if we point out that there is a law saying that you cannot do this, they will open their eyes very wide and run back to their books and look it up. But often people do not question them because the ruling powers can do whatever they want to. We teach people that they must ask questions and not take it for granted that whoever is treating them poorly has a right to do so. We have published a pamphlet for the families of political prisoners to instruct them on what rights they have and what rights the prisoners have, and to encourage them to demand these rights. 缅甸有良好的法律，有些法律是从殖民地时期沿袭下来的。如果获得法律规定的应有待遇，我们会生活得很好。现在掌权的这些人不知道这个国家到底有哪些法律。我们多次注意到，如果我们指出有一条法律不允许他们这么做，他们就会瞪大了眼睛，急忙找书来查证。但是人们往往不质疑他们，认为统治阶级想做什么就可以做什么。我们告诉人们，必须要质疑，而不是逆来顺受，不要觉得以恶劣方式对待自己的人有权利这样做。我们已经为政治犯的家人出版了一本小册子，告诉他们自己拥有何种权利，以及犯人有什么权利，鼓励他们提出享受这些权利的要求。
You cannot say that these rights are never respected. If we stand firm and united, and present the letter of the law, sometimes we are successful in arguing the case of the rights of political prisoners. Perhaps we have won two or three cases in court out of the thousands of cases pleaded by our Legal Aid Committee. Nonetheless, I think our people appreciate the fact that they have somebody to stand up for them in court, to make it known that they are being treated unjustly and against all legal norms. 不要说这些权利永远不会受到尊重。如果我们坚定团结地站在一起，展示法律文本，我们就能够为政治犯的权利辩护。也许在法庭上，由我们的法律援助委员会(Legal Aid Committee)辩护的数千起案子中，我们只能赢得两三起。然而，我认为人们会乐于看到有人在法庭上支持他们，让人们知道他们受到的待遇是不公正的，是违背法律准则的。
