Still, Mr Xi has some independent power. He has been given all three top jobs – party secretary, president and chairman of the central military commission – and is a princeling from a family with top revolutionary credentials. According to Bloomberg, his relatives have amassed huge wealth, which could make him less likely to attack vested interests than optimists hope.
不过，习近平掌握着一些独立的权力。他已经获任了三项最高职务——中共中央总书记、国家主席和中央军委主席，还是一名有着极深资历的革命家庭的“太子党”。根据彭博(Bloomberg)报道，习近平的亲属积累了大笔财富，这也让他打击既得利益集团的可能性低于乐观者的期望。
Even if, hypothetically, Mr Xi were preparing for radical reform, we probably would not know it yet. Mr Jiang took eight years before he and his premier, Zhu Rongji, were able to launch sweeping economic changes in 1997. It could be years before Mr Xi consolidates his power.
即便假设习近平准备实施激进改革，我们眼下可能也看不到丝毫迹象。1997年，江泽民与时任国务院总理朱镕基发起了全面经济改革，但他此前已为此准备了8年时间。习近平要巩固权力可能还要数年时间。
So what, if anything, is to be learnt from his first five months in office? His crackdown on corruption has gone further than many imagined, though more “flies” have been swatted than “tigers” bagged. Mr Xi has also brandished his patriotic credentials. The China Dream entails restoring national pride, but his tough stance on, say, territorial integrity could also provide cover for domestic reform.
那么，习近平执政的最初5个月又能向世人透露出什么样的信息呢?他打击腐败的力度超过了多数人的想象，不过，拍死的“苍蝇”可比捕获的“老虎”多。习近平还打起了爱国牌。“中国梦”要求恢复民族自豪感，但他的强硬立场(如在维护领土完整方面)也可能为实施国内改革提供掩护。
Perhaps the most far-reaching change so far mooted is the urbanisation strategy being handled by Li Keqiang, the premier. That could involve giving hukou urban residency permits to up to 220m migrant workers and allowing farmers to sell land at market prices. Empowering a whole new class of consumers could have a huge impact on the entire economy, from banks to state-owned enterprises.
迄今提出的意义最深远的改革，或许就是国务院总理李克强正力推的城镇化战略。这项改革将让2.2亿农民工获得城市户口，并允许农民以市价出售土地。培育出一个全新的消费阶层可能对经济的各个层面产生巨大影响——从银行到国企，不一而足。
One reason to bet that Mr Xi will eventually embrace radical economic reform is that he probably has to. Mr Hu had the luxury of driving the existing economic model forward. Now almost everyone, both inside and outside China, agrees that the economy needs to change fundamentally.
也许我们可以打赌，习近平终将实施激进的经济改革，一个原因是，他可能必须这么做。胡锦涛有幸得以推动现有经济模式向前发展。而如今，不管是中国国内还是国外，几乎所有人都认同，中国经济必须实施根本性变革。
Even if Mr Xi does embrace an economic overhaul, though, don’t expect political reform to follow. The whole point of repairing China’s economic juggernaut is to save the Communist party, not to bury it.
即便习近平着手实施全面经济改革，也不要指望接下来能实施政治改革。修补中国庞大经济的目的是拯救中国共产党，而不是埋葬它。
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